Week of January 20, 2025 | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council
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- Deadly Shooting Outside Iran’s High Court: Two Prominent Judges Killed
- Iran and U.S. Inch Closer to Potential Direct Negotiations
- Crescent Case: Iran Loses Second Major NIOC Property in Europe
- Wave of Arrests in Iran Following Death Sentences for Kurdish Activists
- Jalal Matini: Renowned Iranian Scholar and Cultural Advocate, Passes Away at 96
Deadly Shooting Outside Iran’s High Court: Two Prominent Judges Killed
A violent shooting has left two prominent judges of the Islamic Republic dead. According to Iranian media reports, the incident occurred on Saturday morning, January 19, when a gunman identified as an employee of the judiciary opened fire on the judges before taking his own life, according to both IRNA and other Iranian media outlets.
In the early hours following the attack, the Judiciary’s official news agency, Mizan, released a statement confirming that the two judges killed were Mohammad Moghiseh (also known as “Nasserian”) and Ali Razini. Moghiseh served as the head of Branch 53 of the Supreme Court, while Razini presided over Branch 39.
Initial reports suggested that a “lone infiltrator” with a gun had assassinated the two judges in a “planned act of terror.” Shortly afterward, conflicting accounts emerged regarding whether a third judge named “Judge Miri” or “Hossein-Ali Nayyeri” had been wounded. The Judiciary’s media center, however, denied the injury of any other judge, stating that only Razini’s bodyguard had been wounded.
IRNA reported that the shooting occurred inside the judges’ office, while other outlets claimed the attack happened outside the Supreme Court building. The Judiciary’s spokesperson, Asghar Jahangir, confirmed the formation of a special investigative team under the Attorney General’s directive. Jahangir stated that several individuals had been identified, summoned, or arrested as part of the ongoing investigation. Reports also noted that another Supreme Court judge present during the attack had taken cover under a desk during the shooting. Both victims had long track records in Iran’s judicial system, particularly relating to the prosecution of political prisoners.
Mohammad Moghiseh (Nasserian) – born in 1956 in a village near Sabzevar – began his career in the Islamic Revolutionary Prosecutor’s Office in the early 1980s under the alias “Nasserian.” He served in various prisons, including Qezel Hesar and Rajai Shahr (Gohardasht), and has been linked by former political prisoners to the 1988 mass executions of political detainees. Moghiseh became well known for presiding over post-2009 election trials, where he handed down heavy sentences, including death sentences and lengthy prison terms for civil and political activists.
Ali Razini – born in 1953 in Razan, Hamedan – was the head of Branch 39 of the Supreme Court. He served as an Islamic Revolutionary Court judge in the early 1980s, at the height of political executions. He later became Tehran’s Revolutionary Prosecutor and served as Shari’a Judge and head of the Special Court for the Clergy for many years. Razini was a staunch defender of the 1988 political prisoner executions, publicly declaring them both “legal” and “just.” In the past, he had survived an assassination attempt in 1999 when he was serving as Tehran’s prosecutor.
The gunman was identified as Farshad Asadi, reportedly an educated individual employed as a judiciary serviceman for over ten years. Despite initial claims of opposition group affiliations, reports suggest that Asadi had no prior disputes or judicial cases in the Supreme Court. Moghiseh’s son revealed that his father had been advocating for Asadi’s job promotion and better pay, leading some to speculate about personal grievances as a possible motive.
IRNA reported that Asadi had fired six shots, killing both judges and injuring Razini’s bodyguard. Afterward, he proceeded to the third floor, where he shot himself in the heart. Tasnim news agency also described him as a judiciary serviceman with no known connections to opposition groups.
The killings have sparked mixed reactions. Supporters of the regime mourned the judges, with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei describing the judges as “courageous and just.” Critics and human rights activists pointed to the judges’ records of human rights abuses, with some expressing relief at their deaths. Shirin Ebadi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, warned of potential retaliatory crackdowns on political prisoners. Social media was abuzz with accounts of unfair trials presided over by the two judges, highlighting their controversial rulings.
Asghar Jahangir confirmed the arrest of several individuals, including the supplier of the firearm. Officials claim new evidence will soon shed light on the gunman’s motives and affiliations. However, skepticism persists, with many questioning the narrative of political infiltration.
The deaths of Mohammad Moghiseh and Ali Razini mark a turning point in the contentious history of Iran’s judiciary, raising broader questions about accountability and justice within the Islamic Republic.
Iran and U.S. Inch Closer to Potential Direct Negotiations
Recent developments in Tehran and Washington have created a renewed possibility of direct talks between the two countries. Both Iran and the U.S., under new administrations, have signaled readiness for diplomacy, marking a significant shift from the strained relations of previous years. Observers believe that the next few months could prove decisive in shaping the future of Iran-U.S. relations, particularly around nuclear negotiations and regional tensions. Iran’s President Massoud Pezeshkian recently stated in an NBC interview that Iran has no issues with negotiations but emphasized that talks must lead to tangible results. Pezeshkian underscored that the ultimate decision-maker on this matter is Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has historically been cautious about engagement with the U.S. Pezeshkian said, “The Leader will support negotiations if there is a guarantee of mutual respect and adherence to commitments.”
Mohammad Javad Zarif, a seasoned diplomat and current deputy strategic adviser, echoed Pezeshkian’s sentiments, emphasizing that “negotiation is always possible” if approved by the system’s leadership. Zarif, who played a key role in negotiating the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA), has hinted at Iran’s willingness to explore opportunities for a diplomatic resolution, provided its sovereignty and rights are respected.
President Donald Trump, returning to office with a controversial legacy of “maximum pressure” policy toward Iran, has also hinted at openness to negotiations. This week, Trump stated that his administration aims to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, preferably without directly striking Iran’s nuclear facilities. President Trump stated, “It would really be nice if that could be worked out without having to go that further step,” Key figures like Steve Witkoff, a close Trump ally, have emphasized the importance of diplomacy.
For President Trump, the stakes are also high. Trump is reportedly keen to avoid a war in the Middle East but sees a potential deal with Iran as a defining legacy of his foreign policy. Securing an agreement would not only alleviate tensions in the region but also bolster his own diplomatic record.
Recent moves by the Trump administration may serve as subtle signals to Tehran for potential engagement. This week saw the removal of Brian Hook, a hardliner and key member of the “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran, suggesting a possible shift in Trump’s strategy. Additionally, the decision to end FBI protection for John Bolton and Mike Pompeo, two of the most hawkish figures in Trump’s first-term Iran policy, could further indicate an effort to reset the tone of U.S. engagement with Iran. These steps may be interpreted as an olive branch, hinting at a willingness to engage diplomatically rather than escalate tensions further.
While both nations seem cautiously open to talks, several obstacles remain. Opposition from conservative factions within Iran continues to be a significant hurdle. Hardliners, previously critical of the JCPOA, have warned against trusting the U.S., citing Trump’s withdrawal from the nuclear deal in 2018 as a betrayal. This tumultuous history could undermine trust on Iran’s side, making potential negotiations fragile.
However, analysts argue that economic pressures on Iran and Trump’s need for a diplomatic victory could create an alignment of interests.
Key Iranian officials have voiced their belief that the current administration, under Pezeshkian, is uniquely positioned to engage with the U.S. Ali Motahari, a former Iranian Member of Parliament, stated that “negotiating with the U.S. does not mean abandoning revolutionary values.” He added that direct talks could potentially strengthen Iran’s position on Palestinian rights and regional issues.
Additionally, Abdolreza Faraji-Rad, a former diplomat for Iran, stressed that direct negotiations would be more effective than relying on intermediaries, while acknowledging the importance of Supreme Leader Khamenei’s guidance in shaping the process.
Iran’s removal of the U.S. flag design from government premises and Trump’s softened tone on military action suggest both sides are preparing for serious dialogue. Further, Zarif’s recently proposed framework for the Muslim West Asian Dialogue Association identifying shared security challenges may help to form the foundation for broader agreements. And where sanctions and Iran’s strained economy are concerned, leaders in Tehran may see negotiations as a pragmatic path to relief, while the U.S. might leverage these pressures to secure broader commitments.
As the October 2025 deadline for the snapback mechanism under the JCPOA approaches, both sides face mounting pressure to decide their course of action. Failure to act decisively could plunge the region into deeper instability, while success could open a new chapter in diplomacy. With Pezeshkian’s administration seeking to navigate a challenging domestic and international landscape, there is cautious optimism that Iran and the U.S. could break the impasse.
If pursued with mutual respect and strategic clarity, these negotiations could mark a historic turning point in relations between the two nations, potentially averting a dark future for the region and building a legacy of peace for Trump.
Crescent Case: Iran Loses Second Major NIOC Property in Europe
Iran has faced another setback in the Crescent Gas Corporation case, as a Rotterdam court finalized the confiscation of a building owned by the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) in the Netherlands. Following a previous seizure of a property in London, this marks the second significant loss for Iran due to the international legal dispute.
On October 30, 2024, a Dutch court upheld a prior decision rejecting Iran’s appeal to prevent the confiscation of the NIOC property in Rotterdam. The property was seized to enforce a judgment from an international arbitration tribunal, which ruled in favor of the Crescent Gas Corporation over an unpaid debt exceeding $2.6 billion.
The property, a valuable NIOC asset in the Netherlands, was auctioned in April 2023 and sold to the Heuvel company. The auction followed earlier rulings, including a temporary seizure in May 2022 and a formal court decision in January 2023 approving the sale.
NIOC argued that the building was a government-owned asset and therefore immune from seizure under international law. However, the court dismissed Iran’s claims, affirming Heuvel’s ownership and finalizing the confiscation.
The Rotterdam property follows the loss of NIOC House in London, a landmark building worth £100 million ($125 million), located near Parliament and Westminster Abbey. The London court ordered its confiscation in April 2024, transferring it to Crescent as part of the damages awarded in the same case. The building, previously neglected, had been under the management of Iran’s Oil Industry Pension Fund following a restoration directive by the former oil minister, Bijan Zangeneh.
The Crescent case dates back to a controversial gas export contract between Iran and the Emirati Crescent Petroleum during Bijan Zangeneh’s tenure as oil minister. Negotiations began in 1997, culminating in a 2001 agreement for Iran to export untreated natural gas from the Salman gas field to the UAE for 25 years, starting in 2005.
The deal stipulated that Iran would supply 500 million cubic meters of gas daily, increasing to 800 million cubic meters over time. However, the pricing structure—pegged to crude oil at a fixed rate of $18 per barrel for the first seven years—was heavily criticized for undervaluing Iranian gas.
The agreement faced numerous delays, and by 2010, Iran had failed to fulfill its obligations, leaving the gas field underutilized. Meanwhile, the UAE continued to extract 550-600 million cubic feet of gas daily from the shared field.
Crescent sought legal action, and in 2015, an international tribunal in The Hague ruled that Iran had violated the contract. NIOC was ordered to pay $2.43 billion in damages, plus annual interest linked to UAE interbank rates.
Despite NIOC’s appeals, the tribunal rejected its final objections in 2021, upholding the penalty. Iran has since been required to pay not only the damages but also monthly penalties for delayed payment.
The loss of the Rotterdam and London properties highlights the financial and reputational damage stemming from the Crescent dispute. Analysts estimate that Iran has incurred over $56 billion in direct and indirect losses from the failed contract, with ongoing penalties further compounding the costs.
The Crescent case remains a contentious issue in Iran’s political landscape, with critics attributing the failures to mismanagement during both Zangeneh’s tenure as oil minister and subsequent administrations. The losses underscore broader vulnerabilities in Iran’s approach to international arbitration and asset management, as well as the severe consequences of non-compliance with contractual obligations.
Wave of Arrests in Iran Following Death Sentences for Kurdish Activists
The issuance of death sentences for Pakhshan Azizi and Verishe Moradi, two Kurdish women political prisoners in Iran, has sparked widespread protests and a wave of arrests in Kurdistan and neighboring provinces. Reports indicate that approximately 20 individuals have been detained during and after a general strike in the Kurdistan region, according to the human rights organization Kurdpa.
Amjad Amini, the father of Mahsa (Jina) Amini, revealed on social media that he was summoned to court after protesting Pakhshan Azizi’s death sentence. He faces charges of “spreading falsehoods” and “propaganda against the regime.”
In a statement on Instagram, Amini described his court summons on January 18, 2025, expressing frustration over the contradictory charges. He said, “How can the summons accuse me of spreading falsehoods, yet the indictment claims propaganda against the regime? This is a significant legal violation.”
Amini linked his summons to a social media story condemning the death sentence of Pakhshan Azizi. He wrote, “The horrifying news of confirming the death sentence of an innocent Kurdish Iranian woman and compassionate social worker shakes the conscience of any humane individual.”
Pakhshan Azizi, a social worker, spent a decade aiding displaced people fleeing ISIS in Kurdish regions of Syria. She was arrested in Iran 18 months ago and sentenced to death.
Verishe Moradi, alleged to be affiliated with the Free Women’s Society of East Kurdistan (KJAR), a group linked to PJAK, was active in fighting ISIS in northern Syria. She now faces execution as well.
The death sentences triggered significant protests, including a general strike on January 23, 2025, in several Kurdish cities and neighboring provinces. Human rights groups report multiple arrests during and after the protests.
Prominent detainees include Aida Amouei, a women’s rights activist, Frank Rafiei, a civil activist, Asad Ghafoori, a university professor, and Hirsh Navgaranzadeh, a campaigner against Azizi’s execution.
Others reportedly detained include Refiq Karimi, Emjad Geryakhiz, Naeem Dosti, Mohammad Seyfpanahi, Sina Rezaei, Mohammad Atlasi, and Omid Mohammadi. The whereabouts of these individuals remain unknown.
The escalating crackdown has drawn criticism from human rights organizations, who have called for the immediate release of detainees and the halting of death sentences. The detentions add to an ongoing pattern of repression in the Kurdish regions of Iran, where activists and civilians often face harsh treatment by authorities.
Jalal Matini: Renowned Iranian Scholar and Cultural Advocate, Passes Away at 96
Jalal Matini, former president of Ferdowsi University of Mashhad and founder of two prominent Persian studies journals, passed away on January 19, 2025, in the United States at the age of 96. A lifelong advocate for Persian language and literature, Matini continued his educational and research endeavors on Iranian culture and history during his decades-long exile.
Born in Tehran in 1928, Matini graduated from Dar ul-Funun and entered the Faculty of Literature at the University of Tehran in 1946, simultaneously studying law at the Faculty of Law. He was mentored by renowned scholars such as Malek o-Shoara Bahar, Jalal Homai, and Badiozzaman Forouzanfar, among others.
After obtaining his bachelor’s degree in Persian literature in 1949 and completing teacher training, he began teaching at Alborz High School. Matini, despite being deeply interested in politics, refrained from joining any political party during the turbulent period of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh’s government. He admired Mossadegh’s leadership and closely followed the events surrounding the nationalization of Iran’s oil industry, which deeply influenced his understanding of Iranian politics and governance.
Matini’s academic journey took him to Ferdowsi University of Mashhad in 1960, where he taught Persian literature for 17 years. He held several administrative roles, including Dean of the Faculty of Literature, Vice President for Research and Education, and ultimately, President of the University in 1974.
Despite facing pressure to maintain order in universities under the pre-revolutionary regime, Matini was committed to promoting education and scholarly research. He continued teaching until 1979, when the revolution forced him to resign and leave all his positions.
After the revolution, Matini was accused of loyalty to the monarchy and dismissed without severance. He later relocated to the United States, where he taught at UC Berkeley and founded two influential Persian studies journals: “Iran Nameh” (1982) and “Iranshenasi” (1989). These platforms became vital resources for preserving and promoting Persian culture and language in exile.
Matini was a prolific writer and editor, dedicating his career to classical Persian texts and linguistic studies. His notable works include “Vis and Ramin”, “Bijan and Manijeh”, and a critical edition of “Tafsir-e Quran-e Majid” published by the Iranian Academy. His scholarship extended to Persian prose, with the book “Examples of Contemporary Persian Prose”, which aimed to set a standard for modern Persian writing.
Matini’s admiration for Mohammad Mossadegh and his efforts to nationalize Iran’s oil resources played a significant role in his intellectual development. This admiration is reflected in one of his most influential works, “A Review of the Political Career of Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh”, published in 2005. In this book, Matini provided a comprehensive analysis of Mossadegh’s contributions beyond the nationalization of oil, emphasizing his impact on Iran’s constitutional and political history.
Through his publications and teaching, Matini tirelessly worked to preserve Iranian culture. He highlighted missed opportunities, such as Iran’s inadequate support for Tajikistan’s adoption of Persian as its official language post-Soviet independence.
His articles on Ferdowsi and Shahnameh studies remain influential, with many compiled into a forthcoming collection, “Saroud-e Molian,” to be published in Tehran.
Martini’s contributions to Persian literature, culture, and history were profound, spanning decades of academic rigor and cultural preservation. His passing is a significant loss for the Iranian intellectual community worldwide.
The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) extends its heartfelt condolences to Matini’s family, friends, and the global Iranian community. Martini was a towering figure in Persian literature and culture whose contributions will resonate for generations. Matini had a critical role in safeguarding and promoting Iranian heritage, both within Iran and in the diaspora.
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