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Iran is witnessing a disturbing rise in executions, reflecting a broader pattern of political repression and human rights violations. Recent reports on high-profile cases such as Pakhshan Azizi, Ahmadreza Jalali, Behrouz Ehsani, and Varishe Moradi—combined with disturbing new data from the United Nations—paint a grim picture of Iran’s judicial system and its increasing reliance on the death penalty.
Pakhshan Azizi, born on August 27, 1984 (5 Shahrivar 1363) in Mahabad, is a graduate of Social Work (with a focus on social pathology) from universities in Tehran, Tabriz, and Allameh Tabatabaei. She spent 10 years in refugee camps in Syria and Iraq, providing humanitarian assistance to women and children displaced by the war with ISIS. In 2009, Azizi was arrested during a Kurdish student protest at Tehran University—held in opposition to the execution of Ehsan Fattahian and other political prisoners in Kurdistan—and spent four months in detention before being released. After her humanitarian work abroad, she returned to Iran for medical reasons and was arrested alongside her family on August 4, 2023 (13 Mordad 1402) while in Tehran. She was charged with “rebellion” (baghi) and accused by Iranian authorities of being a member of the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK). Officials allege she was “sent to Iran to carry out operations,” though Azizi and her family maintain that her return was solely for medical treatment. Severe due process violations have been reported in her trial, raising concerns about the fairness and transparency of the judicial proceedings. Critics argue that Azizi’s sentencing may serve as yet another example of using capital punishment to silence political dissent—particularly among ethnic minorities.
Another Kurdish-Iranian woman recently sentenced to death, Varishe Moradi, who stands accused by the government of belonging to PJAK as well, participating in the 2022 protests (1401), and returning to Iran to allegedly continue “operations” against the state. However, those close to Moradi explain that she traveled to Kobani to join the fight against ISIS, focusing on defending women’s and children’s refugee camps rather than opposing the Islamic Republic. Moradi was reportedly severely injured during clashes with ISIS and later traveled to Sulaymaniyah, Iraq, for medical treatment. After months of hospitalization, she served as a social worker assisting Kurdish women and children displaced by conflict. Family and friends insist she never took up arms against the Islamic Republic, never possessed a weapon, and had no involvement in militant activities. Moradi returned to Iran in late 2022 (late 1401), and roughly six months later, she was violently arrested on a road near Sanandaj Airport while traveling to Tehran. She then spent several months in solitary confinement, reportedly facing torture and intense pressure, during which she went on a hunger strike. Her family received no news of her whereabouts and were only allowed one visit after nine months of Moradi’s detention. She was officially sentenced to death on November 11, 2024 (20 Aban 1402), shortly after reports that Pakhshan Azizi had also received a capital sentence earlier in August. Observers note that Moradi’s case exhibits the same pattern of due process violations, coerced confessions, and limited or no access to legal representation that typify political prosecutions in Iran.
Sources close to both Azizi and Moradi emphasize their extensive humanitarian work and insist that neither woman engaged in militant or armed activities. Human rights organizations continue to demand the international community’s intervention to halt the growing wave of politically motivated death sentences in Iran.
Ahmadreza Jalali, an Iranian-Swedish researcher, has also recently been handed a death sentence on charges of espionage and collaboration with hostile entities. Jalali has publicly accused the Swedish government of inaction, highlighting the precarious status of dual nationals in Iran. His case underscores how individuals with dual citizenship often become pawns in geopolitical confrontations, vulnerable to severe human rights abuses with limited recourse.
Further adding to this alarming trend is the case of 69-year-old political prisoner Behrouz Ehsani, who was recently sentenced to death by Tehran’s Revolutionary Court on charges of “rebellion,” “enmity against the state,” “corruption on earth,” and “assembly and conspiracy against national security,” as well as being accused of membership in the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK). The Supreme Court confirmed his death sentence, and his lawyers are currently preparing to request a retrial, arguing that his trial was marred by due process violations. Ehsani, who participated in protests related to the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement, was arrested in December 2022 at his home. Sources close to his family reveal that he spent about a month in solitary confinement and was subjected to pressure to confess, though he never did. His case highlights the recurring tactics of coerced confessions and targeted suppression of dissent against political activists. Ehsani’s long history of arrests—dating back to 2019 when he was detained for attending a funeral during protests—further emphasizes the Islamic Republic’s persistent crackdown on voices of opposition.
All these individual tragedies occur against the backdrop of a staggering increase in executions across Iran. According to the United Nations, at least 901 executions have been carried out in Iran during 2024—the highest number in nine years. UN spokesperson Volker Turk noted that just in December alone, about 40 people were executed weekly, with at least 31 of those being women. This marks a 6% increase compared to the previous year, with figures rising from 853 executions in 2023 to 901 in 2024. Officials and human rights activists emphasize that the death penalty not only violates the fundamental right to life but also carries an unacceptable risk of executing innocent individuals. They warn that politically motivated executions are part of a broader pattern of suppressing dissent and targeting minorities—over half of those executed last year belonged to ethnic or religious minorities, with a concerning number of them being children at the time of their crimes.
Azizi’s, Moradi’s, Jalali’s, and Ehsani’s individual cases, in tandem with these grim statistics, shed light on a consistently systemic issue within Iran’s judicial and political landscape. The surge in executions particularly affects political activists, human rights defenders, and minority groups, often under dubious charges linked to their peaceful activities. The notable increase in executions of women raises further alarms about gender-specific repression. Executions of individuals convicted of crimes committed as minors contradict international law, exacerbating global concerns. The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) strongly condemns the use of the death penalty in Iran, including the recent sentences and executions highlighted in this report. NIAC stands firmly against the use of executions as a tool for repression and urges the Islamic Republic of Iran to cease these practices immediately. The organization calls for the release of all prisoners of conscience and demands that Iran align its judicial processes with international human rights law, ensuring transparency, fairness, and respect for the fundamental right to life.
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